在过去的20年间﹐大多数美国人以及朝野主要政党领袖们的观点都是非常的狭窄﹐不是历史纪元式的想法。他们相信经济的发展以及贸易会给中国人民带来民主与更多的自由。这个 “既定” 的政策已经成为我们与中国外交政策的根本。美国希望藉着将中国视为一个朋友和贸易伙伴﹐中国将会成为一个 “有责任感的利益相关者”﹐ 套用前副国务卿罗伯‧佐利克（Robert Zoellick）的说法。这个错误的观念﹐詹姆斯‧曼（James Mann）称其为一个幻想﹐已经由美国的政府和专家告诉了美国的人民﹐就是说﹐我们要有耐心﹐资本主义最终会带来自由﹐而商业贸易会改变中国的一党专政。他们想要忘记目前专政下的人民解放军在1989年的六四天安门﹐曾经被命令血腥镇压它的人民﹐而那个时候正是中国经济改革刚刚开始的时期。人们忘记了在天安门广场示威的人们在那个时候刚好将要革除共产党内部各阶层的全面贪污腐败﹐而且刚好将要建立一个民主与法制的国家。在那个时候他们正在严肃的讨论共产主义国家的改革﹐如果当时没有用坦克车和机关枪残酷的镇压﹐以及接着而来的逮捕与搜抓民主倡议人士的话﹐中国现在可能已经是一个民主国家了。在血腥镇压了3到4千名–正确的数字无法知道﹐但是大约是在这个数字左右——无辜的示威人民之后﹐美国的领袖们私底下向中国共产党的领袖们保证美国对中国在外交政策没有改变。因此﹐在1990年﹐美国的政治家们欢迎中国加入联合国的大家庭里﹐给予中国最惠国贸易优惠﹐以及很快的又支持中国进入世界贸易组织。
但是事情并没有如许多中国问题专家和政治学究们所预期的那样发生。中国在宗教与政治改革的方向上﹐没有一点改变。美国国务院﹑国会委员会以及数不清的人权机构﹐如国际大赦和人权观察 — 都承认这点。他们记录了过去的10年间中国人权的恶化。中国共产党在人权侵犯与人类尊严迫害方面的罪行 — 警察绑架良民﹑任意抓捕人民﹑暴打上访者﹑成千上万的强迫堕胎（非选择性的堕胎）﹑强迫中国妇女绝育﹑甚至强制结束9个月的怀孕﹑电脑网络的封锁（5万名警察监视着中国的老百姓看他们允许看的讯息）﹐即使是数算一个百分点的罪行我在这里都没有时间数完。
戴金波 (Dai Jinbo）﹐24岁﹐10月29日在兰托斯人权委员会（Lantos Human Rights Commission）前作证中国的宗教自由与法律的现况。他在2008年通过了法学考试﹐在中国四处旅游帮助那些家庭教会争取权利。戴说﹐在山西省临汾县﹐超过300个警察人员﹐没有穿制服﹐以及当地共产党官员﹐在9月13日﹐冲进他们用来做为家庭教会的工厂。
推土机和其他重型机器被调动差遣去拆除许多的建筑物。地方的基督徒们求助于使用工厂做为他们礼拜的场所﹐因为在中国没有注册的宗教组织无法得到合法的教堂资产﹐而且拒绝他们申请使用建筑物的许可。地方当局禁止和打击家庭教会以及其他宗教组织﹐“非法” 场地﹐ 以及“非法” 圣经研习。
几天前﹐中国在指责他们 “聚集群众干扰公共秩序” 之后﹐判决了5位这种 “非法”家庭教会的组织者两年劳教刑期。山西省临汾县县北的城市公安人员﹐在地方当局带领这些抗议教堂建筑被拆除的基督徒来以后﹐ 押送4名妇女和一名男士到一个再教育劳动营（Re-education Through Labor, RTL） ﹐一个集中营﹐没有经过审判司法程序﹐以及任何其他程序﹐而是由警察﹐公安局﹐决定。判处劳动营是 “行政”并且通常是不需要经过任何法院审理或者是没有权利提出上诉的。 上个礼拜﹐一个地方法院以类似的罪名判处另外5名临汾县家庭教会的领袖3年到7年不等的监狱刑期。
另外一个说明要改变这个专政系统是如何的不可能的例子﹐来自于费利浦‧潘（Philip Pan）最近的一本书﹐“走出毛泽东的阴影（Out of Mao’s Shadow）”。我在 《大纪元时报》为这本书写了一篇书评。潘将其中的一章致意给一位新闻记者程益中（Cheng Yizhong）。 他带领着广东南方城市日报（Guangdong’s Southern Metropolis Daily）与臭名昭著的收容系统（shourong system）打了一场战。这个收容系统是指全国城市的警察会挑选失踪的人﹑离家出走的人﹑流浪汉以及任何无助的人﹐以释放他们为由来勒索巨额费用。当报纸曝光这个收容系统后﹐温家宝 （Wen Jiabao）﹐ 中国的总理﹐命令停止收容制度﹐并且关掉全国700 家看守所。这是个非常大的胜利﹐因为这个收容系统使警察有利可图﹐并且每年约有多达两百万的人被关在看守所里。 然而﹐这场胜利过后没有多久﹐广州市委书记发动攻击﹐以南方城市日报金融腐败的伪造证据﹐拘捕与关押程和另外两位高级编辑。
因为公众的舆论批评﹐程在五个月以后被释放了。但是在释放前他遭受了酷刑折磨—没有像法轮功学员那样厉害—但是仍然有剥夺睡眠﹑冷水激浇全身﹑扣留食物以及要求 “交代” 的巨大压力。其中一位日报的行政人员大概在减少监狱刑期后仍然需要服刑4 年。我们了解到程现在被禁止去他的日报报社﹐并且有一份不起眼的工作。
根据潘的描写﹐在经历了监狱服刑后﹐程的结论是 新闻报导揭露的罪行不会使这个共产党改变﹐因此他认为共产党的法律条文 “无可救要的腐化”﹐他已经 “对共产党系统失去所有的希望”
希望中国人民以及他们的领导者能够接受民主和法律美好结果的那些在中国和海外英勇的努力没有结出果实。这是我们在2月4号﹐看到中国警察绑架人权律师高志晟后所得出的结论。在美国及世界各地超过5 万个关心的人们为高志晟签名请愿﹐要求中共当局告诉大家高志晟到底在哪里并且要求立即释放高志晟。但是﹐中共当局仍然坚持拒绝交出这个人。根本不理世界各地的舆论﹐以及美国国会对中国执行委员会主席﹐参议员拜伦‧德根（Byron Dorgan）的演说﹐美国参议院议会提案﹐这个共产当局一点都不让步。
另外一个方法就是利用网际网络。目前﹐全球互联网自由（GIF）联盟正在突破中国的金盾工程﹐藉着为中国人民提供电脑软件的方式回避中共当局的检测。这个金盾工程是阻挡中国人民连接一些网站﹐而这些网站是中共当局不愿意他们看到的。 如果美国国会能够拨款3千万美元给全球互联网自由（GIF）联盟﹐GIF 就能够从现在的每天150万上网容量提高到每天5千万的上网容量。中共网络警察要想拦截这样的容量其花费是可观而令人却步的。至少中国的人民可以了解到三年大饥荒﹑天安门大屠杀﹑迫害法轮功﹑他们政府官员的贪污腐败﹐等等。然而﹐ 美国的国务院必须要克服不能因为支持由法轮功义工所执行的全球互联网自由（GIF）联盟而得罪北京政府的顾虑。
The Emerging Choice in China: Reforming the Communist Party vs. Ending It
In the United States, the impact of the Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party has so far not been very noticeable. It has not taken off and had the momentous effect that it immediately had on Mainland China. Probably the reason is that the primary audience it was written for were people who have long suffered under the authoritarian rule of the Communist Party. However, in American, almost nobody identifies with communism. Also, it was written from the perspective of the whole sweep of history, the rise and fall of a dynasty, or, in other words, the decline and ascendency of a civilization—Epoch changes, which is how my newspaper, The Epoch Times, which published the Nine Commentaries, derived its name. Americans are not accustomed to reflect in that grand scale, thinking in terms of epochs. That is going to have to change.
What I want to discuss with you tonight is another way to view the Nine Commentaries. The Nine Commentaries may not have the knock-out punch here in the states that it is having in Mainland China, but a consequence of the Nine Commentaries, namely, the massive number of people—already some 64 million—renouncing the Party and/or its affiliated organizations, the Young Pioneers and Communist Youth League, will eventually lead the way to a momentous shift in America’s approach to China. The Party may look strong and in control, but underlying the structure are the beginnings of an earthquake that will shake its very foundations, and destroy it. In terms of historical epochs, the fall of Chinese Communist Party is imminent, as the stampede to get out will make all talk of reform preposterous. This epochal change in China will witness the relinquishing of the desire to look for reforms of the one-party system, which is what America pinned its hopes of engagement on with China.
In the past two decades, the perspective of most Americans and the leaders of both of the main political parties has been quite narrow, not epochal type thinking. The belief has been that economic development and trade will bring democracy and more freedom to the Chinese people. The ‘engagement’ policy has been the basis of our foreign policy with China, hoping that by treating China as a friend and trading partner, China will become a “responsible stakeholder,” to use former Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick’s term. This mistaken view, what James Mann calls a fantasy, has been told to the American people by their government and scholars, to just be patient, capitalism will eventually bring liberty, and commerce will transform China’s one-party political system. They want to forget the current regime’s People’s Liberation Army that was ordered to kill civilians in 1989, June 4th Tiananmen Square Massacre, about the time that China’s economic reforms were at the beginning stages. People forget that the Tiananmen Square protests were about ending widespread corruption in the ranks of the Party and about establishing a democracy and the rule of law. There was serious talk of reform of the communist state, and if it hadn’t been brutally crushed with tanks and machine guns, subsequent arrests and hunting down of democracy advocates, China might have evolved into a democracy. After the massacre of 3 or 4,000 innocent demonstrators—the precise number was never determined, but it was somewhere around that number—US leaders privately assured China’s communist leaders there would not be a change in policy. So, in the 1990s, the U.S. politicians welcomed China into the family of nations, granting most favored nation trade privileges and soon after sponsored China’s entry to the World Trade Organization.
But the events have not turned out as many China experts and policy wonks had predicted. China has not moved by any means in the direction towards religious or political reform. The U.S. State Department, Congressional commissions and numerous human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch—all agree on this. They have documented a worsening of human rights in China in the past decade. I don’t have time here to recount even a fraction of the abuses of power and violations of human rights and human dignity by the Chinese Communist Party—the abductions by the police, arbitrary arrests, the beating up of petitioners, the millions of forced abortions—not abortions by choice– and forced sterilizations on China’s women, even terminating 9-month pregnancies involuntarily, the Internet blockade where 50,000 police monitor what Chinese citizens are allowed to see. And worse of all, the special treatment that Falun Gong practitioners are subject to, with special methods and instruments of torture, with thousands tortured to death under police custody, and hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, sent to slave labor camps.
Let me focus on two representative examples that I reported on recently for The Epoch Times.
Dai Jinbo, 24 years old, testified October 29, before the Human Rights Lantos Commission on the status of religious freedom and the rule of law in China. He passed his jurisprudence exam in 2008, and travels about the country helping to defend the rights of house churches. Dai described in Linfen, Shaanxi province, more than 300 police officers, but not in uniform, and local Communist Party officials, who on Sept. 13, stormed into a factory that was being used as a venue for house churches.
Lawyer Dai said the police used “military weapons, wood sticks, bricks, iron hooks and other sharp instruments to beat the people, while smashing and looting the property. They severely beat more than one hundred Christians who were caught entirely off guard. Many lost consciousness and many more collapsed in pools of their own blood.”
Bulldozers and other heavy equipment were dispatched to demolish many buildings. The Christians in the area resort to using a factory as a venue for their services because unregistered religious organizations in China cannot obtain legal church assets, and applications for a building permit are rejected. Local authorities ban and crackdown on house churches and other religious organizations, “illegal” venues, and “illegal” Bible workshops.
It is well known that the house church movement is peaceful. So any crackdown only reflects that the rule of law in China is nonexistent.
A few days ago, China sentenced five organizers of this “illegal” house church to two years at a labor camp, after accusing them of “gathering people to disturb the public order.” Public security officials in the northern city of Linfen, Shanxi province, sent the four women and one man were sent to a re-education through labor (RTL) camp—a concentration camp, not by a judicial process with a trial, and so on, but by the police, the Public Security Bureau, after they led Christians who were protesting the demolition of church buildings by local authorities. Sentences to labor camps are “administrative” and are normally passed without any court hearing or right of appeal. Last week, a local court sentenced five other leaders of Linfen\’s house church to between three years and seven years in prison on similar charges.
Another example of how impossible it is to change the system comes from Philip Pan’s recent book, Out of Mao’s Shadow, for which I wrote a book review in the Epoch Times. Pan devotes a chapter on newspaperman Cheng Yizhong, who led a crusade in Guangdong’s Southern Metropolis Daily against the notorious shourong system, where police in cities around the country would pick up lost people, runaways, vagrants and anyone that was somehow vulnerable and extort huge fees for their release. As a result of the paper’s expose, Wen Jiabao, China’s premier, ordered an end to the shourong regulations and a closing down of the nation’s 700 detention centers. This was a tremendous victory as the shourong system was very lucrative for the police and as many as two million persons were being detained annually. However, not long after this victory, the Guangzhou party boss set in motion, the arrest and imprisonment of Cheng and two of the top editors on fabricated evidence of financial corruption of the paper.
A public outcry got Cheng released after five months, but not before he was tortured—not as severe as the Falun Gong practitioners—but sleep deprivation, cold water poured on his body, withholding of food and enormous pressure to “confess.” One of the other executives at the Daily is presumably still serving out the four years of a reduced prison sentence. We learn that Cheng is now banned from his newspaper, the Daily and has an inconsequential job.
According to Pan, after experiencing prison, Cheng concluded that exposes by journalists will not reform the party and that he considers the party’s rule “irredeemably corrupt” and that he had “lost all hope in the system.”
Newspaperman Cheng’s conclusion on the futility of working within the Communist system is where we here are today. We can no longer avoid the conclusion that this communist dictatorship—though it has a president, he is not elected, it has laws but the Communist Party is always above the law—cannot be reformed. Cannot be reformed—that is what the reformers, like China’s aspiring journalists, rights defense lawyers, environmentalists and academics are testing and the CCP always fails the test. The emphasis on the rule of law that we hear so much now with dozens of lawyers demanding an independent judiciary that decides on the basis of the law and not be dictated by the Party, won’t ever come into being without first removing the Communist Party.
The heroic efforts in China and overseas to convince the Chinese people and their leaders of the virtues of democracy and the rule of law have not borne fruit. This is what we conclude as we witness the abduction on Feb. 4, by Chinese police, of human rights attorney Gao Zhisheng. More than 50,000 concerned citizens in the U.S. and around the world have signed a petition on Gao Zhisheng\’s behalf, demanding the Chinese regime give an account of Gao\’s whereabouts and asking for his immediate release. But the regime steadfastly refuses to produce the man. Despite an international outcry, and speeches by Senator Byron Dorgan, Chairman of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, on the floor of the U.S. Senate, the regime will not budge. If the Chinese Communist Party really wanted to move in the direction of more human rights and freedom, it would cease its illegal detention, and at a minimum give a full accounting of this individual Gao Zhisheng, who is recognized by the international community as a person of conscience.
The destruction and disintegration of the CCP is a precursor to the rule of law—that is the inescapable conclusion. That’s what we too in the U.S. need to understand. The importance of the Nine Commentaries for us in the United States is that it has led to millions renouncing the Party. That means we have to support the Tuidang movement [quitting the CP], applaud it and our mainstream media need to report on it.
Here’s what else we need to do.
Our leaders need to embrace China’s dissidents. President Obama should have met with house church members, defense rights attorneys and political dissidents, just as President Reagan did in the former Soviet Union. Our Embassy in China should be inviting these people over for discussions and they should be invited when they come to the U.S. for chats at the White House. Moreover, President Obama should be told that many attorneys, such as Jiang Tianyong, Li Xiongbing, Li Fangping, Li Heping and Mo Shaoping, were placed under house arrest while he was in China.
Our communications with the Chinese need to get past the Communist regime officials to speak directly to the Chinese people. The communist regime was very successful last month in keeping Obama away from the Chinese people. His town hall meeting was controlled by them and the press conference was not broadcast in the country and questions weren’t allowed. This administration must work with more determination for a way to get past the Chinese communist officials and talk directly to the Chinese people, such as beaming radio broadcasts, e.g., Radio Free Asia.
Another way is by the Internet. Presently, the Global Internet Freedom (GIF) Consortium is breaking through China’s Golden Shield by making available to Chinese citizens the software to circumvent the regime’s censorship, which blocks Chinese citizens from access to websites that the regime doesn’t want them to see. If Congress would appropriate $30 million dollars, the GIF could increase its current user capacity from 1.5 million per day to up to 50 million per day. The costs for China’s Internet police to prevent this are prohibitive. At last the people of China could learn the truth about the Three Year Great Famine, the Tiananmen Square Massacre, the persecution of Falun Gong, the corruption of their government officials, etcetera. However, the U.S. State Department will have to overcome its concerns of not offending Beijing by supporting the Global Internet Freedom Consortium, which is run by Falun Gong volunteers.